VOLUME 41, NUMBER 1 (JULY 2003)

PETROLEUM LAW EDITION — pp. 1-294

ARTICLE ABSTRACTS

How Far Does the CAPL Travel? A Comparative Overview of the

CAPL Model Form Operating Procedure and the AIPN Model Form International Operating Agreement

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 1-28

Michael D. Josephson

Senior Counsel, International, Nexen Inc.

The author examines the differences between the Canadian Association of Petroleum Landmen model form Operating Procedure and the Association of International Petroleum Negotiators model form International Operation Agreement and identifies the rationale behind the differing approaches to key aspects of joint operations. He concludes that, while each model form has its place in the specific industry for which it was developed, a workable international joint operating agreement must reflect the types of issues addressed by the latter model form.

L’auteur examine les différences entre la formule normalisée de l’entente exécutoire de la Canadian Association of Petroleum Landmen et celle de la Association of International Petroleum Negotiators pour les opérations conjointes internationales. Il donne aussi le raisonnement des diverses démarches à l’égard des aspects clés de ces opérations. Il conclut que, bien que chaque formule normalisée ait sa place dans le secteur pour lequel elle a été développée, une entente raisonnable relative aux opérations conjointes internationales doit refléter les diverses questions que cette formule couvre.

Protecting and Supporting the Orphan Fund: Recent Legislative and

AEUB Policy Amendments Designed to Address Unfunded Liabilities of Oil and Gas Facilities in Alberta

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 29-48

Danielle Brezina

Counsel, Alberta Energy and Utilities Board

and Bradley Gilmour

Associate, Bennett Jones LLP, Calgary, Alberta

Recent changes to the Oil and Gas Conservation Act have given regulatory bodies a broader mandate in relation to abandoned wells in Alberta; as set out primarily in Part 11, “Orphan Fund,” but elsewhere as well. These legislative changes have important implications for the oil and gas industry due to the expanded scope of the Orphan Fund as regards liability, suspension and abandonment obligations and costs, and the related accountability of directors, officers and agents. This article discusses these changes and how they have been given substance through policy developments and regulatory decisions.

Suite aux récents changements à la Oil and Gas Conservation Act, les organismes de réglementation se sont vu confier un mandat plus large relativement aux puits abandonnés en Alberta en vertu de ce qui est essentiellement énoncé dans la partie 11, intitulée «Orphan Fund (fonds sans agent)», mais aussi ailleurs. Ces changements législatifs ont des implications importantes pour le secteur pétrolier et gazier en raison de la portée élargie de ce «Orphan Fund» en ce qui concerne la responsabilité, les obligations de suspension et d’abandon et les coûts, ainsi que la responsabilité connexe des administrateurs, des dirigeants et des agents. Cet article porte sur ces changements et de quelle manière les développements politiques et les décisions réglementaires leurs ont donné du poids.

The Crown’s Duty to Consult Aboriginal People

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 49-78

Thomas Isaac and Anthony Knox

McCarthy Tétrault LLP, Vancouver, British Columbia

The Crown’s duty to consult Aboriginal people when contemplating an infringement of an Aboriginal or treaty right is becoming settled in law. The procedural and substantive content of that duty, however, remains uncertain. These authors demonstrate the need for certainty for industries contemplating the exploitation of lands potentially subject to Aboriginal and treaty rights, and discuss where we can look for certainty.

Le devoir de la Couronne de consulter les Autochtones au moment d’envisager une infraction à un droit ou traité autochtone est un principe juridique établi. Le fond et la procédure en demeurent cependant incertains. Les auteurs démontrent que certains secteurs d’activité doivent envisager l’exploitation de terres pouvant éventuellement faire l’objet d’un traité ou de droits autochtones et examinent où il faut s’adresser à cet égard.

Privilege and the In-House Counsel

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 79-100

Ken B. Mills

Blake, Cassels & Graydon LLP, Calgary, Alberta

Corporations and their employees incorrectly assume that all communications with in-house counsel will be privileged, but there are steps in-house counsel can take to minimize the disclosure of vulnerable communications.

Les entreprises et leurs employés supposent à tort que toutes les communications avec un conseiller juridique interne sont protégées par le privilège. Il existe cependant certaines mesures que le conseiller juridique interne peut prendre pour réduire la divulgation de communications vulnérables.

British Columbia Offshore Oil and Gas Law

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 101-158

Al Hudec

Partner, Davis & Company in Vancouver, British Columbia

and Van Penick

Partner, McInnes Cooper in Halifax, Nova Scotia

This article addresses the current debate over lifting a thirty-five year moratorium on offshore resource development in British Columbia. It describes the three primary offshore basins and the history of the various moratoriums, as well as the current legal backdrop under which development could occur. The authors review unique jurisdictional, Aboriginal and environmental considerations relating to the west coast, and conclude that the east coast regulatory regime provides a useful regulatory template for the west coast, appropriately updated for technological changes in the offshore industry and changes in regulatory philosophies since the 1980s.

Cet article aborde le débat actuel sur la levée du moratoire de trente-cinq ans sur le développement des ressources en Colombie-Britannique. L’auteur décrit les trois bassins littoraux, l’histoire des divers moratoires et le contexte juridique actuel dans lequel le développement pourrait avoir lieu. Les auteurs examinent les considérations relatives à la compétence, aux Autochtones et à l’environnement en ce qui concerne la côte ouest et en arrivent à la conclusion que le régime de réglementation de la côte est représente un modèle réglementaire utile pour la côte ouest une fois mis à jour pour tenir compte des changements technologiques dans ce secteur d’activité et des changements de philosophie réglementaire qui ont eu lieu depuis les années 1980.

Modernizing the Property Laws That Bind Us:

Challenging Traditional Property Law Concepts

Unsuited to the Realities of the Oil and Gas Industry

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 159-188

Alicia K. Quesnel

Partner, Burnet, Duckworth & Palmer LLP

Practitioners deal primarily with two different methods of interpretation in oil and gas cases: the strict method of interpretation and the liberal method of interpretation. However, in recent decisions such as Bank of Montreal v. Dynex Petroleum and Taylor v. Scurry-Rainbow Oil, the courts refused to apply the common law, instead upholding long-standing industry practices that could not be easily classified into proper legal categories.

Following a review of the strict interpretation and liberal interpretation methodologies currently used in interpreting oil and gas cases, this article looks more closely at the method of interpretation used by the courts in Dynex and Taylor. This method of interpretation will be referred to as the challenging method of interpretation. The article discusses the key analytical aspects of the challenging method of interpretation, and examines its possible impact on the existing methods of interpretation used in oil and gas cases. Finally, this article concludes with some thoughts about the implications of these cases on oil and gas law.

Les praticiens traitent essentiellement avec deux méthodes différentes de l’interprétation des affaires pétrolières et gazières: la méthode stricte et la méthode libérale. Cependant, dans les dernières décisions telles que celles de la Banque de Montréal c. Dynex Petroleum et Taylor c. Scurry-Rainbow Oil, les tribunaux ont refusé d’appliquer la common law, mais ont confirmé les pratiques en place depuis longtemps dans ce secteur d’activité, qui sont par ailleurs difficiles à classer dans les bonnes catégories juridiques.

Après l’étude des méthodologies de l’interprétation stricte et libérale qui sont actuellement utilisées pour interpréter les affaires pétrolières et gazières, cet article examine de plus près la méthode d’interprétation utilisée par les tribunaux dans les affaires Dynex et Taylor. Cette méthode d’interprétation sera considérée comme la méthode défi. Cet article porte sur les aspects analytiques de cette dernière méthode et en étudie l’impact éventuel sur les méthodes d’interprétation existantes pour les affaires pétrolières et gazières. Enfin, cet article se termine avec quelques réflexions sur les implications de ces affaires pétrolières et gazières.

Recent Regulatory and Legislative Developments

of Interest to Oil and Gas Lawyers

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 189-244

Stephen C. Lee and Joel Forrest

Borden Ladner Gervais LLP

The authors canvass important regulatory decisions and legislative developments during the period April 2001 to mid-May 2002.

Les auteurs examinent à fond les décisions réglementaires importantes et les développements législatifs pris entre avril 2001 et la mi-mai 2002.

Recent Judicial Developments of Interest

to Oil and Gas Lawyers

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 245-294

Edward A. Leew and Michael A. Thackray

Thackray Burgess, Calgary, Alberta

The purpose of this paper is to provide a brief review of recent Canadian judicial decisions of interest to oil and gas lawyers. The authors have surveyed Canadian case law in the areas of contract, creditors’ rights, government regulation, freehold leases, land titles, surface rights, trusts and tax.

Le but de cet article consiste à donner un bref aperçu des récentes décisions judiciaires canadiennes qui intéressent les avocats spécialisés dans le domaine pétrolier et gazier. Les auteurs ont revu la jurisprudence canadienne dans les domaines du contrat, des droits des créanciers, de la réglementation gouvernementale, des baux francs, des titres fonciers, des droits de superficie, des fiducies et de l’impôt.

VOLUME 41, NUMBER 2 (SEPTEMBER 2003)

pp. 295-656

ARTICLE ABSTRACTS

Standing to Sue and Multiple Defendant Class Actions in Australia, Canada, and the United States

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 295-334

Vince Morabito

Associate Professor, Department of Business Law and Taxation,

Monash University, Victoria, Australia

Recent decisions by appellate courts in Australia, Canada, and the United States provide an ideal opportunity to explore an important issue concerning the class action procedure, which has been largely ignored by legal commentators in Australia and Canada and has received, in the author’s opinion, inadequate attention in the United States. The issue in question concerns the availability of the class action device where the representative plaintiff is seeking to initiate a class proceeding against more than one defendant but does not have individual standing to sue all of the proposed defendants.

Les récentes décisions des cours d’appel de l’Australie, du Canada et des États-Unis fournissent l’occasion par excellence d’examiner la grande question relative à la procédure de recours collectif qui a été en grande partie ignorée par les commentateurs juridiques en Australie et au Canada et qui a reçu, selon l’auteur, une attention inadéquate aux États-Unis. La question concerne la disponibilité du recours collectif lorsque le demandeur représentatif désire intenter un recours collectif contre plus d’un défendeur mais n’a pas le droit individuel de poursuivre tous les défendeurs proposés.

A Failed Experiment? Investigative Detention: Ten Years Later

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 335-394

James Stribopoulos

Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Alberta

Ten years ago, the Ontario Court of Appeal introduced the investigative detention power to Canada with its decision in R. v. Simpson. After providing some necessary background about the realities of police detention practices, the author offers a critical evaluation of Simpson and the ancillary powers doctrine that it relied upon to create this new police power. The author then proceeds to consider how well the investigative detention experiment has fared over the last decade, examining whether it has lived up to the goal that provided its inspiration, namely, the regulation of police detention practices. The author advances two major claims. First, the investigative detention cases have done little to regulate but much to legitimize police detention practices, mostly serving to blur the line between the detentions they endorse and conventional arrests. Second, the investigative detention experiment holds larger lessons about the dangers inherent when courts, as opposed to legislatures, create police powers. Given these dangers, the paper contends that the ancillary powers doctrine should be rejected as a device for creating complex police powers, like investigative detention. Instead, the author draws upon the dialogue model, already embraced by the Supreme Court of Canada, to offer an alternative approach. He concludes by outlining steps the Court could take to encourage Parliament to finally enact the sort of clear, comprehensive, and prospective rules and procedures that are essential if police detention practices are to be effectively regulated in the future.

Il y a dix ans, avec la décision R. c. Simpson, la Cour d’appel de l’Ontario a introduit le pouvoir de détention par enquête au Canada. Après avoir fourni de l’information nécessaire au sujet des réalités des pratiques de détention, l’auteur donne une évaluation critique de l’affaire Simpson et de la doctrine de la compétence accessoire qui a servi de base à ce nouveau pouvoir de police. L’auteur examine ensuite le succès que cet essai de pouvoir de détention a connu depuis dix ans examinant s’il a permis d’atteindre l’objectif don’t il a été inspiré, notamment la réglementation des pratiques de détention de la police. L’auteur fait valoir deux points très importants. Tout d’abord que les cas de détention par enquête ont fait peu de choses en termes de réglementation, mais ont plutôt légalisé les pratiques de détention de la police, c’est-à-dire que cela a surtout permis d’estomper la ligne entre les détentions qu’elle endosse et les arrestations habituelles. Ensuite, cet essai nous donne une meilleure leçon au sujet des risques présentés lorsque les tribunaux, contrairement aux autorités législatives, créent des pouvoirs policiers. Compte tenu de ces risques, l’article prétend que la doctrine de la compétence accessoire devrait être rejetée à titre de recours de création de pouvoirs complexes de la police, comme cette forme de détention. L’auteur s’inspire plutôt du modèle de dialogue, déjà adopté par la Cour suprême du Canada, comme solution de rechange. Il conclut qu’en établissant des étapes que la Cour pourrait suivre pour encourager le Parlement pour, en définitive, adopter les règles et les procédures claires, complètes et prospectives qui sont essentielles si l’on veut réglementer efficacement les pratiques de détentions policières à l’avenir.

Understanding Sentencing Under the Youth Criminal Justice Act

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 395-424

Julian V. Roberts

Department of Criminology, University of Ottawa

and Nicholas Bala

Faculty of Law, Queen’s University

The authors provide an analysis of the complicated sentencing regime found in Canada’s Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) and compare the new Act to the previous Young Offenders Act. In comparison to the provisions of the Criminal Code that govern adult sentencing, the YCJA makes no reference to deterrence, has more focus on rehabilitation, and calls for lesser penalties than for adults. The authors point out that proportionality is a key principle for both sentencing youths and adults, but the aggravating elements enumerated in the YCJA are not the same as those in the Criminal Code. They further note that situations in which youth custody may be used are limited and that judges are directed to treat custody as a last resort and consider all alternatives. The authors conclude that the YCJA facilitates a more uniform treatment of young offenders, though the courts will continue to exercise considerable discretion. While it is clear that the use of custodial sanctions will decrease even without more community resources, in some places the coming into force of the new Act was accompanied by increased community resources which will also affect sentencing practices. The article concludes with a survey of some of the first cases decided under the YCJA, which reveal that custodial sanctions were avoided and rehabilitative principles played a major role in sentencing decisions.

Les auteurs donnent une analyse complète du régime compliqué de la détermination de la peine tel qu’il existe dans la Loi sur le système de justice pénale pour les adolescents (Loi) ainsi que des comparaisons utiles avec l’ancienne Loi sur les jeunes contrevenants et le Code criminel. Par rapport aux dispositions du Code criminel régissant la détermination de la peine pour les adultes, la Loi ne fait aucune référence à la dissuasion, est davantage centrée sur la réhabilitation et demande des peines moins sévères que dans le cas des adultes. Les auteurs font remarquer que la proportionnalité est le principe clé de la détermination de la peine chez les adultes et les jeunes, mais les éléments aggravants mentionnés dans la Loi ne sont pas les mêmes que ceux qui figurent dans le Code criminel. Ils soulignent aussi que les situations pour lesquelles on pourrait avoir recours à l’incarcération sont limitées et que l’on demande aux juges de n’y avoir recours qu’après avoir considéré toutes les autres possibilités. Les auteurs en arrivent à la conclusion que la Loi facilite un traitement plus uniforme des jeunes contrevenants, même si les tribunaux continueront à exercer une grande discrétion. Alors qu’il est clair que le nombre d’incarcérations diminuera, même sans augmentation des ressources communautaires, à certaines endroits, l’application de la nouvelle Loi est allée de pair avec une hausse des ressources communautaires ce qui aura également une incidence sur les pratiques relatives aux peines. L’article se termine avec un sondage fait sur les premiers cas jugés en fonction de la Loi qui révèle que l’on a évité des peines d’incarcération et que les principes de réhabilitation ont joué un très grand rôle à ce moment-là.

Missing The Net: The Law and Economics of Alberta’s NHL Players Tax

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 425-448

Donald J.S. Brean

Professor of Finance and Economics,

Rotman School of Management, University of Toronto

and Aldo Forgione

SJD Candidate, University of Toronto,

Faculty of Law; Partner, Forgione Law Offices

The Province of Alberta has introduced a tax on the income of all NHL players earned in every game played in Alberta. The Alberta government intends to forward the revenues from the tax to the ownership groups of the Province’s two NHL teams – the Edmonton Oilers and the Calgary Flames. Reaction to the tax has been harsh. Criticism ranges from allegations of interference with collective bargaining rights to discriminatory treatment of high profile taxpayers in violation of the North American Free Trade Agreement. The NHL Players Tax is designed to take advantage of the practical application of international foreign tax credit and treaty rules to effectively transfer tax revenues from foreign coffers to the Alberta Treasury. After exploring the stated rationale and incidence of the tax, the authors conclude that Alberta’s NHL Players Tax is likely to fail to achieve its objectives. Moreover, the tax represents aggressive extension of the province’s tax authority with no public benefit.

La province de l’Alberta a introduit un impôt sur le revenu des joueurs de la LNH pour chaque partie disputée sur le sol albertain. Le gouvernement de l’Alberta a l’intention d’envoyer les revenus provenant de cet impôt aux groupes propriétaires des deux équipes de la LNH de la province, à savoir les Oilers d’Edmonton et les Flames de Calgary. La critique à cet égard a été sévère et a varié d’allégations d’ingérence avec des droits syndicaux au traitement discriminatoire de contribuables notoires en violation avec l’Accord de libre-échange nord-américain. L’impôt payé par les joueurs de la LNH a été conçu de manière à profiter de l’application pratique des crédits d’impôt internationaux et des règles du traité dans le but de transférer efficacement des revenus imposables de coffres étrangers à ceux de l’Alberta. Après avoir examiné la justification de cet impôt et ses incidences, les auteurs concluent que l’impôt albertain pour les joueurs de la LNH n’atteindra vraisemblablement pas son objectif. De plus, cet impôt représente un prolongement agressif des autorités fiscales de la province sans présenter aucun avantage pour le public.

Civil Procedure and Practice: Recent Developments

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 449-512

Glen H. Poelman, Eugene J. Bodnar,

Wendy K. McCallum, James F. Maxwell,

Kevin E. Barr and Kyla D. Sandwith

Macleod Dixon LLP, Calgary, Alberta

This article provides an overview of recent leading developments in the law and practice of civil procedure. The focus is on procedural rather than substantive law. The discussion includes recent procedural changes regarding pleadings, discovery, interlocutory applications, evidence, modes of trial and the calculation and apportionment of costs.

Cet article donne un aperçu des derniers développements importants dans le domaine du droit et de la pratique des procédures civiles. L’emphase est mise sur les procédures plutôt que sur le droit substantiel. La discussion porte aussi sur les récents changements de procédures relatifs aux plaidoiries, à la divulgation, aux demandes de décisions interlocutoires, à la preuve, aux modes d’instruction ainsi qu’au calcul et à la répartition des frais.

In a Poor State: The Long Road to Human Rights Protection on the Basis of Social Condition

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 513-526

Lynn A. Iding

Articled at Torys LLP in June 2003;

Clerking at the Ontario Superior Court of Justice fall 2003

This article examines how poverty in Canada might be alleviated with different forms of human rights protection that include protection from discrimination on the basis of social condition. Social condition discrimination could include denial of goods and services based on stereotypes of poverty, or could include disadvantage resulting from actual inability to pay. If based only on stereotypes, the author argues, social condition would be differentiated from other grounds of discrimination. Poor people need to be protected from the prejudice of others as well as the effects of being poor, and this may be accomplished by incorporating full social condition protection in both human rights legislation and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Canada has international obligations concerning poverty, and those obligations are sometimes recognized by the courts in their decisions. However, economic rights have been consistently rejected as having Charter protection, perhaps out of fear that courts would be commanding the government to create or alter social programs. The author concludes that the Charter might still be the most effective place for economic rights, placing the initial onus more on the public sphere, which would at the same time consequently distribute some of the financial burden in the private sphere.

Cet article examine quelques façons de réduire la pauvreté au Canada au moyen de différentes formes de protection des droits de la personne incluant la protection contre la discrimination en raison de la condition sociale. La discrimination en raison de la condition sociale comprend le déni de biens et de services basé sur les stéréotypes relatifs à la pauvreté ou encore, elle pourrait comprendre les inconvénients causés par une incapacité de payer. Si elle est basée uniquement sur les stéréotypes, alors l’auteur estime qu’il faudrait faire une distinction entre la condition sociale et les autres raisons de discrimination. Il faut protéger les gens pauvres des préjudices des autres et de l’effet de l’état d’être pauvre en incorporant la pleine protection de la condition sociale dans la législation sur les droits de la personne et la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés. Le Canada a des obligations internationales relatives à la pauvreté et les tribunaux reconnaissent parfois ces obligations dans leurs décisions. Cependant, on a toujours refusé d’accorder la protection de la Charte aux droits économiques, peut-être par crainte que les tribunaux n’ordonnent au gouvernement de créer ou de modifier les programmes sociaux. L’auteur conclut que le recours à la Charte constitue peut-être toujours la meilleure démarche pour protéger les droits économiques, plaçant l’emphase sur la scène publique ce qui, par conséquent, permettrait en même temps de répartir le fardeau financier sur la scène publique.

Milvain Lecture: Advocacy in The New Millennium

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 527-546

Fred Ferguson, Q.C.

Regional Crown Prosecutor, Miramichi, N.B.,

Department of the Attorney-General, Province of New Brunswick

Practicing good advocacy in the new millennium may not be that different than it was in the century just past. What is different are some of the new challenges to be faced in becoming and remaining an effective and successful advocate. The foundations of skillful advocacy are best set down at the outset of one's legal career, and the development of the art must at all times be considered from its human, legal, and ethical sides. While the evolution of the practice of law is built upon the careful and steady historical ascendancy of precedent, there are practices and rules in our age that need to be critically examined.

In this lecture, delivered before an audience comprised mainly of people newly entering the legal profession, the author shares his thoughts on the contemporary practice and ethical strictures of good advocacy. He draws on a wide body of knowledge, personal experience, and established practices in the legal profession, and imparts lessons on a thorough range of advocacy topics, including the importance of preparation and presentation, the art of examination and cross examination of witnesses, and tactics for addressing juries.

La pratique de bons services d’assistance judiciaires au nouveau millénaire n’est peut-être pas aussi différente qu’au siècle dernier. Toutefois certaines des difficultés auxquelles il faut faire face pour devenir et demeurer un avocat efficace et à succès sont différentes. Il est bon d’établir les assises d’une plaidoirie habile au début de sa carrière, et le perfectionnement de cet art doit à tout moment être considéré des points de vue humain, juridique et éthique. Alors que l’évolution de la pratique du droit repose sur l’ascendance soignée et historiquement soutenue de précédents, il existe de nos jours des pratiques et des règles qu’il faut examiner d’un œil critique.

Dans cette conférence donnée devant un auditoire composé de personnes qui viennent d’entrer dans la profession juridique, l’auteur nous dit ce qu’il pense de la pratique contemporaine et des constrictions éthiques dans l’art d’être un bon avocat. Il s’inspire d’un vaste bloc de connaissances, d’expériences personnelles et de pratiques établies dans le domaine juridique et tire des leçons pertinentes à une vaste gamme de sujets, y compris l’importance de la préparation et de la présentation, l’art de l’interrogatoire et du contre-interrogatoire des témoins et les tactiques à utiliser avec les membres du jury.

Comment: Raising the Bar: Maximizing Civility in Alberta Courtrooms

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 547-558

Susan N. Turner

Articling Student, Alberta Justice, Edmonton, Alberta

This article examines the apparent lack of civility among the members of the profession of law. The author presents several examples of incivility among law students, lawyers, and judges, and emphasizes the need for increased civility to protect the integrity of the profession. This article also explores the respective roles of law schools, the bar, and the bench to effect positive change. The author concludes that a partnership of efforts is required to achieve maximum civility and highlights various means by which this goal can be reached.

Cet article examine le manque apparent de civilité chez les membres de la profession juridique. L’auteur donne plusieurs exemples du manque de civilité chez les étudiants en droit, les avocats et les juges et souligne l’importance de faire preuve d’une meilleure civilité afin de protéger l’intégrité de la profession. Cet l’article explore aussi les rôles respectifs des écoles de droit, du barreau et du tribunal dans le but d’instaurer des changements positifs. L’auteur conclut que des efforts concertés sont nécessaires pour obtenir un minimum de civilité et il indique plusieurs moyens de réaliser cet objectif.

Forum: Same-sex Unions and the Law

Same-Sex Unions and the Law: An Introduction

[footnotes omitted]

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 569-572

Tim Outerbridge and Sharon Roberts

Co-Editors-in-Chief, Alberta Law Review, 2003-2004

Like many struggles for equality, the struggle for equal treatment of gays, lesbians, bisexuals, and trans-gendered persons in Canada has a long and arguably sordid legal history. This is particularly true of gay and lesbian couples who seek state recognition of their relationships by entering valid, state-recognized marriages. Governments and the majority of courts in Canada, like those in virtually every other country, have — until now — held fast to traditional definitions of marriage as exclusive unions between men and women.

Several recent decisions and legislative pronouncements nevertheless mark a fundamental change in the federal government’s perspective on same-sex unions. On 10 June 2003, the Ontario Court of Appeal announced its decision in Halpern v. Canada (A.G.). The unanimous ruling of the Court declared that the common law definition of marriage violates claimants’ s. 15(1) equality rights and does not constitute a reasonable limit on those rights as contemplated by s. 1 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Immediate declaratory relief was granted in Halpern, allowing the claimants to marry the following morning. Shortly thereafter, the Right Honourable Jean Chrétien, Prime Minister of Canada, announced that the Federal Government would not be appealing the decision. On 8 July 2003, the British Columbia Court of Appeal cited an unworkable inconsistency in the federal marriage law between the Provinces of Ontario and British Columbia. In that supplementary judgment, the Court amended its earlier decision to suspend a remedy similar to that ordered by the Court in Halpern and granted immediate relief to the appellants instead.

Most recently, the Honourable Martin Cauchon, Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada, announced that draft legislation allowing same-sex unions will be examined by the Supreme Court of Canada. Parliament has sought a Reference from the Court to ensure that its proposed legislation is in compliance with the Charter and at the same time maintains religious freedoms.

The Alberta Law Review has long been one of Canada’s leading generalist law journals that publishes on the topic of gay and lesbian equality issues. The journal has published several articles and case comments cited throughout the major decisions leading up to Halpern and EGALE. It is our pleasure to sustain that dialogue by introducing the present Forum on Same-Sex Unions and the Law. We are grateful for this opportunity, as well as to our readers for their ongoing interest and support, and to the three authors for their timely efforts in furthering this critical area of legal discourse.

In his thorough analysis of Germany’s new Partnership Law, Greg Taylor assesses the potential advantages, disadvantages, and implications of such alternatives to legal “marriage” as a means of legitimating gay and lesbian relationships. By contextualizing his analysis of the German law and related legal developments, he provides readers with an opportunity to draw inferences about parallel developments in Canada and elsewhere. F.C. DeCoste establishes a liberal democratic framework from which to advance his critique of Halpern, and to challenge the very basis for active state and judicial intervention within “the realm of the social” — in this case, the institution of marriage. In her essay, Julie C. Lloyd considers the predictability of the recent decision in Halpern. In light of the contextual history of rights-based struggles among same-sex partners under the Charter, she suggests that the decision was overdue as an inevitable application of Charter principles as they have been interpreted by the courts.

Read together, the essays are clearly complementary. Ideally, however, they may serve a bolder purpose. Our hope is that the following Forum on Same-Sex Unions and the Law will encourage further reasoned, democratic debate and development in what remains a contentious and vital area of law.

The New Gay and Lesbian Partnerships Law in Germany

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 573-618

Greg Taylor

Lecturer, Faculty of Law, Monash University;

Former Lecturer, School of Law, University of Adelaide

This article explores the recently-enacted German registered partnerships law: An Act To End Discrimination Against Same-Sex Partnerships. The author first considers the range of options open to a legislature wishing to recognize same-sex partnerships. The author then critically and thoroughly analyzes the legislation: he gives a brief history of the political developments leading to the legislation and the important effect of these developments on shaping the Act as it came into force on 1 August 2001; provides timely legal commentary on controversial provisions and omissions of the Act; and contrasts the legislation with Alberta’s Adult Interdependent Relationships Act. The various constitutional challenges to the Act, and the German Federal Constitutional Court’s response to these arguments are explored, with some discussion of the possible implication of the German issues to the Canadian situation.

Cet article examine la loi allemande sur les unions enregistrées que l’on vient d’adopter: An Act To End Discrimination Against Same-Sex Partnerships (Loi visant à mettre fin à la discrimination à l’égard des unions de partenaires de même sexe). L’auteur se penche d’abord sur une gamme de possibilités mise à la disposition d’une législature voulant reconnaître les relations de même sexe. Ensuite, l’auteur donne une analyse critique et approfondie, à savoir un bref historique des développements politiques qui ont abouti à cette législation ainsi que les incidences importantes de ces développements sur l’évolution de la Loi entrée en vigueur le 1^er août 2001. Il donne un commentaire juridique opportun sur les dispositions controversées et les omissions de la Loi et compare cette législation à la Adult Interdependent Relationships Act de l’Alberta. Les divers défis constitutionnels de cette loi et la réaction de la Cour constitutionnelle fédérale allemande à ces arguments sont examinés ainsi que l’implication éventuelle des questions allemandes sur la situation au Canada.

VOLUME 41, NUMBER 3 (December 2003)

Special Issue: GLOBALIZATION AND THE LAW

pp. 657-800

ARTICLE ABSTRACTS

Introduction

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. p. 657

Guest Editors

Trevor C.W. Farrow

Faculty of Law, University of Alberta

and Sheilah L. Martin

Faculty of Law, University of Calgary

Globalization is both a concept and a process. As a concept, it has largely happened. Put simply, it marks the increased movement of, and the connection between, goods, services, people, capital, and cultures both between and within regions and countries around the world. Much of this discussion is often framed in economic terms of trade, technology, and capital flow. As a process, however, globalization is far from over. Whether and how the process of globalization should develop are still very open questions. In this sense, globalization signals an opportunity to participate in the social, political, legal, cultural and economic realities, as well as the futures of our individual and collective well-being.

The focus of this special issue of the Alberta Law Review is globalization and the law. The purpose of this special issue is to look at ways that law is participating, and can participate, in the process of globalization. Given the social and political regulatory power of law — both domestic and international — there is no doubt that law can and should have a lot to say about how the process of globalization develops.

As guest editors of this special issue, we solicited papers from all over the world on all aspects of the topic of globalization and the law. As we hoped, we received submissions from a variety of regions on a variety of topics. Included are papers touching on issues of globalization and human rights, genetics, trade law, procedure, immigration, terrorism, and the judiciary, among others. There are obviously significant differences between the papers. There is also a unifying theme: the role that law can and should play in the future direction of our global community.

Finally, we hope that the articles included in this issue will not only further our current understanding of the various topics discussed, but will also spark further research, thinking, and dialogue on these and other related issues of globalization and the law.

From Many Different Stones: A House of Justice

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 659-670

The Honourable Claire L’Heureux-Dubé

Former Justice of the Supreme Court of Canada

The author argues that globalization has had a profound effect on both judging and lawyering, particularly in the area of international human rights. Because human rights issues arise in several jurisdictions concurrently, and because of advanced communications technology, judges and lawyers are increasingly able to incorporate material from across the globe into their decisions and arguments. Canadian judges and lawyers must grapple with issues concerning the implementation of international documents in Canadian law, and do so without much familiarity with international law. Several Supreme Court of Canada decisions make reference to international instruments as relevant considerations, but not necessarily binding authority. The persuasive character of international decisions depends on their contexts — some of which are and some of which are not appropriate to apply domestically. The author concludes with a call to all legal practitioners to participate fully in the increasing international legal dialogue.

L’auteur discute de la mondialisation dont l’effet a profondément marqué la profession d’avocat et de juge, tout spécialement dans le domaine des droits de la personne internationaux. Étant donné que les questions relatives aux droits de la personne apparaissent dans plusieurs juridictions simultanément, et compte tenu du niveau avancé de la technologie des communications, les juges et les avocats peuvent de plus en plus incorporer du matériel venant de partout au monde dans leurs décisions et plaidoiries. Les juges et avocats canadiens doivent lutter avec les questions relatives à l’implantation de documents internationaux dans le droit canadien et le faire sans être familier avec le droit international. Plusieurs décisions de la Cour suprême du Canada font référence aux instruments internationaux en tant que considérations pertinentes sans pour autant avoir une autorité obligatoire. Le caractère persuasif des décisions internationales dépend de leur contexte – certains pouvant convenir au pays, d’autres pas. L’auteur se termine par un appel à tous les hommes et femmes de loi de participer pleinement au dialogue juridique qui prend de plus en plus une dimension internationale.

Globalization, International Human Rights, and Civil Procedure

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 671-712

Trevor C.W. Farrow

University of Alberta, Faculty of Law

This article discusses the modern convergence of three traditionally separate topics: globalization and international human rights on the one hand, and civil procedure on the other. Its project is twofold: first, to highlight the role of domestic legal processes and communities in the advancement of the post-World War II international human rights project. Second — in contemplation of the specific context of teaching civil procedure — to help bring alive the power and increasingly-global context of civil procedure for the benefit of students.

Cet article porte sur la convergence moderne de trois sujets traditionnellement séparés : la mondialisation et les droits internationaux de la personne d’une part et les procédures civiles d’autre part. Le projet a deux volets : premièrement, faire ressortir le rôle des processus juridiques nationaux et des collectivités dans l’avancement des droits internationaux de la personne d’après La Deuxième guerre mondiale et deuxièmement, compte tenu du contexte particulier d’enseigner les procédures civiles, donner vie au pouvoir et au contexte de plus en plus mondial de la procédure civile pour les étudiants.

Gene Patents, Human Clones, and Biotechnology Policy: The Challenges Created by Globalization

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 713-724

Timothy Caulfield

Canada Research Chair in Health Law and Policy, Associate Professor, Faculty of Law

and Faculty of Medicine and Dentistry, Research Director, Health Law Institute, University of Alberta

In this article, the author explores the implications of globalization on human cloning laws and genetic patent policy, both domestically and internationally. From an international perspective, diverse moral and socio-political positions make cooperation in these areas particularly challenging. As a result, formulating domestic policies becomes challenging as well: should countries try to predict international consensus, or develop strong domestic policies of their own? While there is no clear answer, appreciating the complex issues involved is an essential step in the policy-making process.

Dans cet article, l’auteur explore les implications de la mondialisation sur les lois régissant le clonage humain et la politique des brevets en génétique, autant à l’échelle nationale qu’internationale. Du point de vue international, les diverses positions morales et sociopolitiques rendent la coopération dans ces secteurs particulièrement intéressante. Par conséquent, il est également difficile d’élaborer des politiques intérieures; les pays devraient-ils essayer de prédire un consensus international ou plutôt développer seuls de solides politiques intérieures ? Bien qu’il n’existe pas de réponse claire, il est essentiel de comprendre les questions complexes pertinentes pour pouvoir élaborer des politiques.

Evaluating Canada’s New Immigration and Refugee Protection Act in its Global Context

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 725-744

Catherine Dauvergne

Canada Research Chair in Migration Law and Associate Professor,

Faculty of Law, University of British Columbia

The author examines the changes to Canadian Immigration Law in the new Immigration and Refugee Protection Act in a global context. She identifies three categories of changes: those that legislate current practice, those that are partial attempts to include legal recommendations, and those that are a direct response to globalization. The author concludes that overall, immigration law in Canada is resistant to substantial change, in spite of major efforts at public consultation. As a result, despite considerable changes in new legislation, the central features of the old legislation have remained intact.

L’auteur examine les changements apportés au droit canadien de l’immigration dans la nouvelle Loi sur l’immigration et la protection des réfugiés dans un contexte mondial. Elle a déterminé qu’il existe trois catégories de changements : ceux qui légifèrent les pratiques actuelles, ceux qui visent en partie à inclure des recommandations juridiques et ceux qui réagissent directement à la mondialisation. L’auteur conclut que dans l’ensemble, le droit canadien de l’immigration résiste à des changements de taille malgré l’effort fait au niveau des consultations publiques. En conséquence, nonobstant les changements considérables qui ont été apportées à la nouvelle législation, les éléments centraux de l’ancienne législation sont demeurés intacts.

Trade and the Environment: Competition, Cooperation or Confusion?

(2003) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 745-760

Donald McRae

Hyman Soloway Professor of Business and Trade Law,

University of Ottawa

The intersection of international trade law and environmental sustainability has been subject to much scrutiny, both in the media and in internationally- constituted bodies. Views on the impact of trade on the environment range from one of mutual benefit to an assertion of real threat. The author assesses the bases upon which criticism of the WTO is commonly levelled, and provides a reasoned analysis of the nature of the trade and environment debate. In addressing this question, the author examines the purview of the WTO pertaining to trade law, and delineates to what extent environmental protection encroaches upon international trade obligations. To this end, the author considers the means by which conflicts between trade and the environment have been reconciled, and draws attention to issues that obstruct resolution. Lastly, concerns central to the trade and environmental regulatory schemes themselves are raised. The author concludes that the long term viability of international trade equally benefitting the developed and developing world is dependent upon corresponding environmental regulation.

Le point de rencontre du droit commercial international et de la durabilité de l’environnement a été examiné de très près, autant par la presse que par les organismes internationaux. Les points de vue qui ont été donnés sur l’impact du commerce sur l’environnement varient d’un avantage mutuel à une déclaration de menace vraie. L’auteur évalue les bases sur lesquelles l’opposition à l’OMC s’inspire le plus souvent et il donne une analyse raisonnée de la nature du débat autour du commerce et de l’environnement. En abordant cette question, l’auteur examine les limites de l’OMC relativement au droit commercial et il délimite dans quelle mesure le protection environnemental empiète sur les obligations commerciales internationales. C’est pourquoi, l’auteur sur les moyens mis en œuvre pour réconcilier les partisans du commerce et ceux de l’environnement et en ce faisant, il souligne les questions gênant cette résolution. Enfin, il soulève aussi les préoccupations qui se trouvent au centre de la réglementation même relative au commerce et à l’environnement. L’auteur conclut que la viabilité à long terme du bénéfice de commerce international autant au monde développé qu’au monde en voie de développement dépend du règlement environnemental correspondant.

VOLUME 41, NUMBER 4 (APRIL 2004)

pp. 801-1083

ARTICLE ABSTRACTS

Turning Lead into Gold: The Uncertain Alchemy of “All Obligations” Clauses

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 801-824

Roderick J. Wood

Professor of Law, University of Alberta

This article examines the use of all obligation clauses in security agreements and their potential to transform an unsecured claim into a more valuable secured claim upon an assignment of the unsecured claim or the security agreement. The author addresses three arguments that have been levelled against the use of all obligations clauses: unfairness to the debtor, distortion of the pro rata sharing principle of bankruptcy law, and the disruption of the Personal Property Security Act priority regime. The author also examines two analogous transactions and explains why these do not create similar problems.

Cet article porte sur l’utilisation de tous les articles d’obligation dans les contrats de garantie et leur potentiel de transformer une créance ordinaire en une créance garantie d’une plus grande valeur au moment de la cession de la créance ordinaire ou du contrat de garantie. L’auteur soulève trois arguments contre le recours aux articles d’obligation, à savoir l’injustice envers le débiteur, la distorsion du principe de partage proportionnel de la loi sur la faillite et la rupture du régime prioritaire de la Loi sur les sûretés relatives aux biens personnels. L’auteur examine aussi deux transactions analogues et explique la raison pour laquelle elles ne créent pas de problèmes semblables.

The Accidental Consistency: Extracting a Coherent Principle From the Jurisprudence

Surrounding Solicitor Client Privilege Between the Police and the Crown

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 825-852

Marc S. Gorbet

Third year law student, Dalhousie Law School

The development of a clear and consistent approach to solicitor client privilege between the police and the Crown has met with significant difficulty. The author argues, however, that despite a lack of apparent clarity in both jurisprudence and legislation, a closer examination reveals that a type of “accidental consistency” has developed, whereby the police can maintain privileged communication with Crown counsel, provided they remain at arms length from actual prosecution in an advisory capacity only. The author then calls for this “accidental consistency” to become more clearly codified in future jurisprudence and argues that the optimum model to ensure the maintenance of privilege would be the use of independent, in-house counsel by the police.

Le développement d’une démarche claire et cohérente à l’égard du secret professionnel liant l’avocat à son client qui existe entre la police et la Couronne a rencontré de considérables difficultés. L’auteur prétend cependant que malgré le manque apparent de clarté dans la jurisprudence et la législation, un examen plus approfondi révèle qu’un genre de « cohérence accidentelle » s’est développée, en ce sens que la police conserve des communications privilégiées avec l’avocat de la Couronne dans la mesure où elle demeure autonome de la poursuite et agit seulement à titre consultatif. L’auteur suggère ensuite que cette « cohérence accidentelle » soit codifiée plus clairement dans les futures jurisprudences et fait remarquer que le modèle optimal de maintien de ce privilège serait le recours, par la police, à un avocat indépendant interne.

Expert Evidence: The Ethical Responsibility of the Legal Profession

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 853-870

Tania M. Bubela

Articling student; B.Sc. (Hons.), Australian National University, Canberra;

Ph.D. University of Sydney; LL.B., University of Alberta

The author examines the ethical obligations of the legal profession in using expert evidence. The author surveys developments in Canadian and U.S. jurisprudence, procedural and substantive issues, and law reform initiatives on the admissibility and use of expert evidence in civil and criminal litigation. She proposes a “tripartite framework” to address the use of expert evidence: by strengthening professional codes of conduct to address ethical obligations in using experts; by emphasizing lawyers’ obligations to improve the justice system; and by clarifying the criteria for admitting expert evidence.

L’auteur examine les obligations éthiques de la profession juridique quant à la preuve d’expert. L’auteur revoit les développements dans la jurisprudence canadienne et américaine, les questions de procédure et de substance et les initiatives de réforme de la loi sur l’admissibilité et l’utilisation de la preuve d’expert dans les poursuites civiles et criminelles. Elle suggère un « cadre tripartite » pour aborder l’utilisation de la preuve d’expert, à savoir le renforcement du code de déontologie dans le but d’aborder les obligations éthiques liées à la preuve d’experts, l’emphase sur le fait que les avocats ont l’obligation d’améliorer le système juridique et la clarification des critères qui permettent la preuve d’expert.

Forum: “Stop in the Name of the Law”: What Law? Racial Profiling and Police Practice in Canada

Making Progress on Understanding and Remedying Racial Profiling

[Introduction to Forum — footnotes omitted]

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 895-904

Kent Roach

Professor of Law, University of Toronto

The editors of the Alberta Law Review are to be congratulated on their prescience in selecting the subject of racial profiling as a topic for a forum. The issue of profiling, specifically the use of stereotyped perceptions of race as a basis for heightened police scrutiny, has been very much in the news from coast to coast this past year. In Nova Scotia, a discrimination complaint made by the African-Canadian professional boxer Clayton (Kirk) Johnson arising from multiple stops by the Halifax police was upheld. The Ontario Human Rights Commission has released a report on racial profiling mainly in relation to the African-Canadian community. Profiling of Aboriginal people also remains an issue in Ontario and western Canada. Over a decade ago, the Manitoba Aboriginal Justice Inquiry concluded that J.J. Harper was stopped by the Winnipeg police with fatal consequences because he was Aboriginal. In Saskatchewan, public inquiries are examining allegations of police misconduct with respect to Aboriginal people. Finally, the requirement that a Parliamentary committee begin a comprehensive inquiry into the operation of the Anti-terrorism Act by the end of 2004 raises the possibility that Parliament might re-visit its decisions not to include an anti-discrimination clause in that law or perhaps even enact a more specific provision against profiling on the basis of race and other prohibited grounds of discrimination.

The two articles featured in this forum are important additions by experienced and accomplished authors to the growing Canadian literature on the subject of racial profiling. They provide important insights into the complexities of the many issues surrounding profiling. Any response to either the existence or perception of profiling should involve not only the police, but also courts, legislatures, human rights commissions, and ultimately all of Canadian society. The profiling issue not only implicates the entire criminal justice system, but larger issues concerning the role of criminal law and equality in Canadian society.

Any debate about profiling that is not guided by a clear definition of profiling is bound to be a recipe for frustration and bitterness. The Ontario Human Rights Commission has recently defined profiling as “any action undertaken for reasons of safety, security or public protection that relies on stereotypes about race, colour, ethnicity, ancestry, religion, or place of origin rather than on reasonable suspicion, to single out an individual for greater scrutiny or different treatment.” The Commission also notes that age and/or gender can influence the experience of profiling and that racial profiling can be distinguished from “criminal profiling which isn’t based on stereotypes but rather relies on actual behaviour or on information about suspected activity by someone who meets the description of a specific individual.”

My colleague Sujit Choudhry and I have defined profiling as the use of race, religion, or ethnicity “either as the sole reason, or as one factor among many, in a decision to detain or arrest an individual, or to subject an individual to further investigation. Whether used as the sole factor, or one factor among many, profiling allows race, religion or ethnicity to play a determinative role in investigative decisions.” Profiling allows distinctions to be drawn among otherwise identical persons on the basis of race or ethnicity. Especially to the extent that it involves stereotypes associating certain races and religions with particular crimes, profiling likely contravenes the guarantee of equality without discrimination under s. 15 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

Differing definitions of profiling may also explain some of the gaps between perceptions by minority communities and the media that profiling does occur and frequent albeit not universal denials by the policing community that it does not. The emphasis on effects-based discrimination under s. 15 of the Charter is a fundamental feature of modern understandings of equality rights, but it is still not widely accepted in popular understandings of racism, which are often tied to the idea of intentional discrimination. Work on the appropriate definition of profiling is a priority if there is to be a more constructive debate in the future and greater consensus about what is and is not appropriate.

Professor Tim Quigley of the University of Saskatchewan’s College of Law examines profiling in the context of whether police have the power to detain people for investigative reasons when they do not have reasonable grounds to arrest a person for an offence. He focuses on the widely followed but controversial decisionof the Court of Appeal for Ontario in R. v. Simpson, which held that police could stop people on the basis of articulable cause or reasonable suspicion of involvement in crime.It is notable that the Court of Appeal for Ontario in Simpson expressed concerns about discriminatory profiling. The Court heldthat there was no articulable cause that justified the stop and subsequent search of a young African-Canadian man who was seenemerging from a house in Torontos Regent Park area that had been described in a police memorandum as a crack house. The Courtstressed that the subjective hunches of police officers were not enough to justify investigative detention. Justice Doherty stated that therequirement for:an objectively discernible standard serves to avoid indiscriminate and discriminatory exercises of the police power.A hunch based entirely on intuition gained by experience cannot suffice, no matter how accurate that hunch mightprove to be. Such subjectively based assessments can too easily mask discriminatory conduct based on such irrelevant factors asthe detainees sex, colour, age, ethnic origin or sexual orientation.The subjective hunch of the police in Simpson turned out to be correct. After observing and touching a bulge in the accuseds pocket,the police officer asked Mr. Simpson to remove the object, which turned out to be cocaine. The Court of Appeal held that this was anunreasonable search and excluded the cocaine, stating that the police officers belief that they could detain and question all people whoattended a residence that the police believed was the site of ongoing criminal activity was a dangerous and erroneous perception of thereach of police powers that must be emphatically rejected by the Court.Despite the Courts laudable concern about discriminatory profiling and their firm rejection ofthe police conduct in the case, Professor Quigley makes a strong and sophisticated argument that theextension of police powers in Simpson and its further extension by courts in subsequent cases willhave a disproportionate effect on minorities. He points to American jurisprudence under Terry v.Ohio, which suggests that powers of investigative detention and search may be concentrated ininner city neighbourhoods where the poor and minorities are more apt to live and frequent. Drawingon American scholarship, he argues that those who avoid or evade the police may do so forlegitimate reasons that are unrelated to factual guilt. Professor Quigleys criticisms of investigativestops are similar to the Manitoba Aboriginal Justice Inquirys conclusions that police officers shouldbe restricted to existing arrest powers that allow a person to be stopped on the basis of reasonableand probable grounds that they have committed an offence.Professor Quigley also raises the fundamental point that the limits that courts place oninvestigative detention (or for that matter, arrest) will be under-enforced because innocent peoplewill rarely pursue a remedy and many of those who are factually guilty will simply plead guiltywithout litigating the constitutionality of the detention. This raises the important issue of theinadequacy of s. 24(1) remedies to deal with instances of discriminatory profiling. One option wouldbe for courts to use their newly confirmed powers to award advance costs in public interest litigationto allow claims of discriminatory profiling to be heard in civil courts. Courts can also re-think thequestion of the appropriate level of damages for the violation of Charter rights. The most frequentlyawarded quantum of damages for breach of a Charter right that does not cause consequentialdamages is $500. This is hardly a figure that will encourage individuals and lawyers to flock to civilcourts to make claims based on profiling. Another barrier is the existence of short limitation periodsto protect public authorities in a number of jurisdictions. Another possible reform would be torecognize that the criminal courts can reduce sentence or award costs or even damages as a meansto deal with abuses in the investigative process that may not warrant a stay of proceedings or produceevidence that can be excluded. Such reforms would encourage one-stop shopping, but would onlybenefit those who were charged with an offence and who had that offence proceed to trial.The costs and limits of the court system also points in the direction of complaints to human rightscommissions and proactive inquiries by those commissions, as has recently occurred in both NovaScotia and Ontario. Another possibility is the development of police complaints systems that willbe receptive to complaints of discriminatory treatment. People who believe that they have suffereddiscrimination at the hands of the police are not likely to complain to the police, as is required insome jurisdictions. Some complaints systems incorporate a form of public interest standing thatallows those not directly affected to make a complaint. Many police complaints systems make useof mediation. Some complainants of profiling have expressed a willingness to accept a genuineapology. Restorative circles and community meetings may have a role to play in mending the hardfeelings that are sometimes caused by perceptions and allegations of profiling. At the same time,there needs to be a credible possibility of adjudication to deal with imbalances of power.Investigative reporting by the media and reports by civil society groups can also play a role inbringing attention to low-visibility police practices. It should not be assumed that the only effectiveremedy for racial profiling will be a strong judicial remedy.Professor Quigley also raises an important point of institutional division of labour with hisarguments that Parliament, as opposed to the courts, should create police powers. This is acompelling position associated with Brian Dicksons famed dissents in a number of police powercases. Justice Dicksons position was that Parliament should take responsibility for the expansionof police powers and that this would make both the extent of police powers and the duties of citizensclearer than if courts were to make such decisions in a piecemeal and retroactive fashion. ProfessorQuigleys argument against judicial expansion of police powers is also consistent with his advocacyfor a better and more comprehensive codification of criminal procedure. Unfortunately, Parliamenthas neglected this project and relied on limited responses to specific court decisions. The result hasbeen some expansion of police powers, but not in a way that has involved a discussion of firstprinciples and wide public involvement and discussion.Parliament has avoided the issue of profiling under the Criminal Code, refusing either to ban orauthorize it under the Anti-terrorism Act or the proposed Public Safety Act. Parliaments silence onthis issue is troubling given that Canadas Arab and Muslim communities have expressed concernsabout profiling in the wake of September 11 and because the precedent exists in CanadasEmergencies Act for Parliament to state that profiling is not acceptable, especially in crisis. TheEmergencies Act demonstrates our ability to learn from past mistakes, such as the internment ofJapanese Canadians during World War II. It serves as an inspiring aspiration to avoid stereotypesand fear in future times of crisis. It is regrettable that Parliament did not make such a commitmentto non-discrimination at the time it enacted the Anti-terrorism Act.The fact that the present Minister of Justice, Irwin Cotler, called for an anti-discrimination clauseto be added to the Anti-terrorism Act after it was first introduced raises the prospect that Parliamentmight address this issue when it commences its three-year review of the terms and operation of theAnti-terrorism Act. Indeed, as Professor Tanovich of the University of Windsor notes in his article,there have been proposals to amend the Anti-terrorism Act to place a general provision in theCriminal Code that would define and prohibit discriminatory profiling in the enforcement of any ofits provisions. Professor Choudhry and I proposed the following to the Senate Committee on Bill C-36:Racial and Ethnic Profiling Definitions 1.racial and ethnic profiling means the practice of a law enforcement agentrelying, to any degree, on race, ethnicity, or national origin in selecting whichindividuals to subject to investigation or heightened scrutiny.law enforcement agent includes any peace officer or person exercisinglaw enforcement power under federal legislation;law enforcement agency includes the Royal Canadian Mounted Police,Canadian Customs, the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, and otherpolice forces exercising powers under ss. 82.28 and 83.3;Ban on Racial and Ethnic Profiling2.(a) No law enforcement agent or law enforcement agency shall engage in racialand ethnic profiling.(b) Racial and ethnic profiling does not include reliance on race, ethnicity ornational origin in combination with other identifying factors when the lawenforcement agent is seeking to apprehend a specific suspect whose race,ethnicity, or national origin is part of the description of the suspect.Enforcement3.A finding that a law enforcement agent or law enforcement agency has engagedin racial and ethnic profiling shall allow a court to award any remedy that isappropriate and just in the circumstances including damages, injunctions,declarations and costs. In addition to the award of remedies, the court may alsorefer the matter to a human rights commission that has jurisdiction with respectto the particular law enforcement agent or law enforcement agency. Data Collection4.The Attorney General of Canada shall prepare and cause to be laid beforeParliament and the Attorney General of every province shall publish or otherwisemake available to the public an annual report on racial profiling for the previousyear. The report shall include:(a) Any steps taken to ensure that law enforcement officers and lawenforcement agencies not engage in racial and ethnic profiling;(b) Data on enforcement practices that is sufficiently detailed todetermine whether law enforcement agencies are engaged in racial andethnic profiling; and(c) Reports made under s. 83.31 shall, subject to the exceptions in s.83.31(4)(a)-(c), include information on the racial and ethnic origins ofthose subjected to investigative hearings under s. 83.28 and preventivearrests under s. 83.3.This proposal was prepared under considerable time constraints and draws heavily on Americandevelopments, including the proposed federal The End Racial Profiling Act of 2001. The Americanproposal had bi-partisan support before the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, but has lostmomentum since that time. There is a chance, however, that a similar or improved provision couldbe added to Canadas Criminal Code as a result of the Parliamentary review of the Anti-terrorismAct.To be sure, such a proposal would be complicated and the above proposal could probably beimproved. The forms of profiling that would be prohibited would have to be defined with precision.Section 2(b) of our proposal should respond to concerns that race and ethnicity could not be used todescribe individual suspects. There would also be federalism issues, as such a Criminal Codeamendment might mandate that provincial and municipal police forces keep information and developpolicies on profiling. At the same time, it should be noted that the Anti-terrorism Act alreadyincludes provisions requiring provincial reporting on the use of preventive arrests and investigativehearings. There would also be difficult issues about whether a Criminal Code amendment couldempower courts to award damages, costs, injunctions, declarations, or other remedies should theyfind that discriminatory profiling occurs, as is contemplated under section 3 of our proposal. Theaddition of an explicit power to reduce sentences as a remedy for profiling might also be contentiousand not assist factually innocent victims of profiling. Some might find our proposal to be too soft;others may find it to be too tough. Some might argue that profiling itself should be a crime in amanner similar to unlawful invasion of privacy. Others might argue that following the approachtaken under human rights legislation, the focus should be on providing remedies for profiling.There are other possible reforms even if Parliament does not have an appetite for a ban on racialprofiling. One alternative would be the non-discrimination clause proposed by Irwin Cotler. Sucha clause would mainly have a symbolic value in stating that discriminatory profiling was wrong. Itwould balance the emphasis in the Anti-terrorism Act on enhanced hate crimes with a statement thatdiscrimination is wrong, whether committed by private or public actors. Given considerable supportin some quarters of the public for profiling in the wake of September 11, the value of even asymbolic affirmation of non-discrimination should not be dismissed out of hand. Parliament couldfollow Professor Tanovichs proposal of imposing a burden on the state to prove a non-discriminatory justification for an investigative stop. Professor Tanovichs proposals would primarilyaffect the subset of cases that reach court while Professor Cotlers proposal would speak more tosociety at large by re-affirming Canadas commitment to non-discrimination. The fight againstdiscrimination should be fought both in court and in society at large.Professor Tanovichs article in this forum builds on his past and ongoing research on racialprofiling in Canada. A particular strength of his research is its comparative focus, as he draws onexperiences in both the United States and the United Kingdom with racial profiling and attempts togovern investigative stops by the police. Canadians in particular need to pay more attention to theexperience in the United Kingdom, which includes both statements of non-discrimination principlesand the collection of data. Profiling is not simply an American issue.Professor Tanovich also is absolutely correct to relate the issue of profiling to the style ofpolicing. As he argues, profiling is less likely to occur in crime-solving or reactive policing andmore likely to occur in proactive policing particularly policing focused on drugs. In acomparative study of policing in Niagara Falls, New York and Niagara Falls, Ontario in the early1990s, my colleague Marty Friedland and I found striking differences in policing styles on both sidesof the border. The American police were much more proactive in part because they had many morepolice officers patrolling the streets, particularly in the peak late evening period. The police on theCanadian side were more thinly stretched and spent much more of their time responding to calls,especially false burglar alarms. Although we did not attempt to measure profiling at the time, mysense was that the proactive and often in-your-face style of policing on the American side wouldlikely result in more profiling, as well as friction between the police and the community.We need to examine the issue of profiling in the larger context of policing styles and of what weexpect of the police. When we ask the police proactively to respond to problems, such as drugs,guns, terrorism, street crime, and what used to be called vagrancy, we may also be increasing the riskof tense relations between police and minority communities. These issues are also related to theextent of our reliance on the criminal law. It is an interesting question whether the proposeddecriminalization of marijuana possession will change police behaviour. Similarly, some anti-terrorism strategies may increase the risk of discriminatory profiling while other strategies, such asscreening all passengers for weapons and explosives, may decrease the risk.Profiling is also linked to larger and sensitive issues about crime. Profiling may in part be aresponse, however misguided, to crime problems that may have disproportionate effects on particularcommunities. At the same time, ill-will between the police and the community that may be producedby profiling may have a negative impact on the co-operation that the police receive from minoritycommunities. In my experience, one of the more effective arguments against profiling, especially inthe wake of September 11, has been to argue that it is not only wrong, but that it is counter-productive in responding to crime. Profiling is not only over- and under-inclusive, but it may threatenmuch needed co-operation between the police and minority communities. In any event, we cannotafford to view profiling in isolation from the tasks that we give our police and our criminal law.Professor Tanovich also makes the point that profiling is a self-fulfilling prophecy. The morea group is targeted the greater the likelihood that criminality will be discovered particularly for thoseoffences that are prevalent in society such as drug use. This raises the broader issue of systemicdiscrimination throughout the criminal justice system and the overrepresentation of Aboriginal andAfrican-Canadian people in prisons. Initiatives to stop profiling can be seen as addressing this issueat the front-end of the criminal process while sentencing initiatives, such as those undertaken unders. 718.2(e) of the Criminal Code, can be seen as back-end reforms. Back-end reforms have beencontroversial and so far have not been very successful in reducing overrepresentation. This suggeststhat front-end reforms are extremely important. Front-end reforms include matters such as morerestrained use of the criminal sanction, crime prevention programs, pre-charge screening, bailreform, diversion, and anti-profiling initiatives.Profiling needs to be addressed and placed in the larger context of the role of the criminal lawand equality in Canadian society. The articles in this forum advance the debate about profiling inCanada and deserve to be widely read.

E-Racing Racial Profiling

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 905-934

David M. Tanovich

Assistant Professor, Faculty of Law, University of Windsor

Despite widespread denials, racial profiling is a serious problem in many Canadian jurisdictions. The time has come to stop the debate and to focus instead on remedial action that directly addresses the problem. The author begins with an analysis of the dynamics of racial profiling and notes the challenges it poses to institutional measures aimed at changing police culture, such as anti-racism training and hiring practices. Since the breeding ground for racial profiling is the day-to-day crime detection policing that occurs through vehicle and pedestrian stops, one significant step that can be taken is to compel the police to record and publish stop data. This remedial approach has been put into practice in England and in much of the U.S. The author further proposes a revamping of the public complaints system. An objective and independent public complaints process is lacking and formal measures must be taken in this area to improve police accountability. The author also suggests that anti-racial profiling legislation is needed. Perhaps most importantly, law reform is required. To this end, the author details several specific recommendations to stimulate law reform in Canada.

Malgré le fait que ce soit généralement nié, l’établissement de profils raciaux représente un sérieux problème dans de nombreuses juridictions canadiennes. Il est temps d’arrêter le débat et de se pencher plutôt sur des mesures correctives abordant directement le problème. L’auteur commence par une analyse de la dynamique de l’établissement de profils raciaux et indique les difficultés que cela représente pour les mesures institutionnelles qui visent à changer la culture de la police comme les pratiques anti-racistes de formation et d’embauche. Comme le vivier de l’établissement de profils raciaux est la détection de crimes au jour le jour que la police effectue au moyen d’arrêts de véhicules et de piétons, le fait de demander à la police d’enregistrer et de publier les données sur ces arrêts pourrait s’avérer un pas important. Cette démarche corrective a été mise en pratique en Angleterre et dans une grande partie des États-Unis. L’auteur suggère de réorganiser le système de plaintes du public. Il manque un processus objectif et indépendant de plaintes du public et il faut prendre des mesures officielles dans ce domaine pour améliorer la responsabilité de la police. L’auteur indique aussi qu’une législation interdisant l’établissement de profils raciaux s’impose. Il est peut-être plus important de réformer la loi. À cette fin, l’auteur donne les détails de plusieurs recommandations spécifiques visant à stimuler la réforme de la loi au Canada.

Brief Investigatory Detentions: A Critique of R. v. Simpson

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 935-950

Tim Quigley

Professor of Law, University of Saskatchewan

In this article, the author examines the brief investigative detention power created by the Ontario Court of Appeal in R. v. Simpson and challenges both the Court’s reasoning and the way in which the decision has been followed in other Canadian jurisdictions. The common law power to detain an individual, based upon prominent U.S. and British case law, is inconsistent with the previous Supreme Court jurisprudence on police powers. The author demonstrates this by analyzing several cases involving police powers and joins the list of commentators who have urged the country’s highest court to re-examine the Simpson doctrine. The author also argues that there has been a tendency for U.S. courts to grant increased discretion to the police even when such powers are unwarranted. There is a real possibility of a similar accretion of police powers in Canada. Moreover, the American experience also indicates that members of minority groups are frequently subjected to the rigours of brief investigative detention, often only because of their ethnic identity. Recent studies show that the same trend exists in Canada, serving to challenge democratic and egalitarian values that the Charter is designed to protect. The solution, according to the author, lies not with the Courts, but with Parliament taking the opportunity to define the extent and limits of brief investigative detentions.

L’auteur de cet article examine le pouvoir de courte détention pour enquête créé par la Cour d’appel de l’Ontario dans R. c. Simpson et conteste le raisonnement de la Cour et la manière dans laquelle la décision a été suivie dans les autres juridictions canadiennes. Le pouvoir de la common law de détenir un individu, reposant sur la jurisprudence américaine et britannique, est incompatible avec la jurisprudence précédente de la Cour suprême en matière de pouvoir de la police. L’auteur le démontre en analysant plusieurs causes impliquant les pouvoirs de la police; il se joint à la liste des commentateurs qui ont demandé avec insistance à la plus haute cour de réexaminer la doctrine Simpson. L’auteur fait également remarquer que les tribunaux américains semblaient accorder une plus grande discrétion à la police même si ce pouvoir n’est pas justifié. Il existe une réelle possibilité d’accroissement des pouvoirs de la police au Canada. De plus, l’expérience américaine indique aussi que les membres des groupes minoritaires font fréquemment l’objet des rigueurs d’une courte détention pour enquête et ce, uniquement en raison de leur identité ethnique. Des études récentes indiquent que les mêmes tendances existent au Canada, contestant ainsi les valeurs démocratiques et égalitaires que la Charte doit normalement protéger. La solution, selon l’auteur, ne réside pas auprès des tribunaux, mais bien auprès du Parlement qui doit saisir l’occasion de définir la portée et les limites de ces courtes détentions pour enquête.

Forum: Metis and Treaty Rights

Land Entitlement Under Treaty 8

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 951-998

Robert Metcs

B.A. (Toronto), M.A. (Carleton)

and Christopher G. Devlin

B.A. (Victoria), LL.B. (Victoria); Associate,

Woodward & Company, Victoria, British Columbia

This article provides an analysis of the land entitlement provisions of Treaty 8 as they relate to current federal treaty land entitlement (TLE) policy and to the judgment in Lac La Ronge. The authors identify and analyze significant textual, contextual, and historical differences between Treaty 8 and the previous seven numbered Treaties. On the basis of that analysis, the authors advance various proposals in support of a principled policy approach to determining the existence and extent of the obligations placed upon the Crown by Treaty 8 and the land entitlement provisions contained therein.

Cet article analyse les dispositions sur les droits fonciers du Traité 8 relativement au traité fédéral actuel sur la politique sur les droits fonciers et le jugement du Lac La Ronge. Les auteurs déterminent et analysent des différences textuelles, contextuelles et historiques considérables entre le Traité 8 et les sept traités précédents. Compte tenu de cette analyse, les auteurs font plusieurs propositions visant à appuyer une démarche de politique motivée dans le but d’établir l’existence et la portée des obligations imposées à la Couronne par le Traité 8 et les dispositions sur les droits fonciers qu’il contient.

The Forgotten Constitution: The Natural Resources Transfer Agreements

and Indian Livelihood Rights, ca. 1925-1933

(2004) 41 Alta. L. Rev. pp. 999-1048

Frank J. Tough

Professor, School of Native Studies, University of Alberta

This article forms Part 1 of a two part legal-historical analysis of the Natural Resources Transfer Agreement (NRTA), the processes and circumstances that gave rise to its enactment, and the subsequent implications —– historical and contemporary — for the livelihood rights of Aboriginal peoples. In this Part, the author critically examines historical evidence surrounding the agreements that the Prairie Provinces of Alberta, Manitoba, and Saskatchewan entered into with the Dominion government. In doing so, the author concludes that, to date, legal interpretations of the NRTA and the respective provincial agreements have been short-sighted and incomplete. As such, they are deeply troubling and represent a site for further critical legal analysis and judicial reconsideration.

Cet article représente la première de deux parties d’une analyse historico-légale de la Convention sur le transfert des ressources naturelles; elle porte sur les processus et les circonstances qui ont donné lieu à sa promulgation et aux implications ultérieures – historiques et contemporaines – sur les droits de subsistance des Autochtones. Dans cette première partie, l’auteur examine, d’un point de vue critique, la preuve historique entourant les ententes que les provinces des Prairies, à savoir l’Alberta, le Manitoba et la Saskatchewan, ont conclu avec le gouvernement du Dominion. En ce faisant, l’auteur conclut qu’à ce jour, les interprétations juridiques de la Convention sur le transfert des ressources naturelles et les ententes provinciales respectives sont incomplètes et imprévoyantes. Elles sont inquiétantes et devraient faire l’objet d’une analyse légale critique plus approfondie et d’une reconsidération juridique.